Monday, November 5, 2012

The Age of Irony, on the Eve of the 2012 Elections


The Age of Irony
on the eve of the 2012 Elections


Eric Paul Nolte

 
We live in an age of irony, of ironies strong enough to shake tectonic plates into fomenting tsunamis on both coasts simultaneously.


As I write this, on the eve of the 2012 Obama/Romney election, divisive clouds of toxic, wounded, angry, righteous rhetoric sweep across the country like the winds and drenching rain of a super-storm that is powered by differential pressures in the atmosphere deeper and more powerful than anything this country has seen since the start of the Civil War in 1861.


It is ironic that we live in a time where the two most toxic political labels competing candidates can hurl at each other are “liberal” and “Tea Partier.”


Consider that everywhere in the world for two centuries, except in the United States since the time of FDR, “liberal” is a term that denotes an advocate of free markets and individual rights to life, liberty and property.  Now, in the US for the last 80 years or so, “liberal” has come to mean the righteous advocates of big government control, regulation of everything, opposition to economic freedom, bureaucratic central planning and social engineering funded by confiscatory taxation, and indifference to national debt and unfunded obligations to future welfare programs amounting to five times the size of annual GDP.  How ironic, how ... Orwellian is not too strong a term to describe such a reversal of a term’s meaning.  How bizarre.


To be tarred with the label of “Tea Party,” as Nan Hayworth is here in my New York State 18th Congressional District, is thought to be the most deliciously toxic ammunition that her opponents can shoot at her.  Now, I find this puzzling because my visit to teapartypatriots.org showed an organization whose core principles are clearly stated and bedrock American: government should be limited to the purposes spelled out by the US Constitution, chained down to operating with fiscal responsibility, and the economy should be animated by free markets, not by overweening government bureaucratic central planning and regulation of everything.  The Tea Party is a grass roots organization that champions the core American values.  What’s wrong with that?  And again, it strikes me as an irony of Orwellian scale that such an advocacy of freedom has come to be a toxic label dripping with hatred and bile.  And yet conservatives and Tea Party patriots tend to advocate some other ideas that I find weirdly ironic.


My head spins when I consider the irony of this endless caterwauling between conservatives and liberals, both sides posing as defenders of freedom, and both sides firing salvos of hatred against each other, as if freedom hung in the balance, when both sides are clearly enemies of freedom, properly formulated.


Consider the faith-based opposition of conservatives to abortion and gay marriage.  I find this to be antithetical to the American founders’ most important and radical  idea, namely, the unprecedented affirmation of the individual as a precious, unique, irreplaceable, and sovereign entity, endowed by human nature itself with an inalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.


The conservative opposition to abortion is rooted in the Biblical definition of life as beginning at conception, but science is not so ready to offer such a sweeping absolutism on when a human life begins.  Moreover, a moment’s thought would show that a fetus is like a germinated acorn and not like a sapling. To confuse the acorn with the sapling is to conflate the actual with the potential.  The same distinction applies to the early fetus and the baby.


The conservative opposition to gay marriage is rooted in the biblically inspired idea that marriage must be between a man and a woman.  No one has a duty to reproduce, so the matter of propagation has nothing to do with the freely chosen bonds of love between individuals.  The issue of marriage is not a matter of insemination or the mechanics of male and female plumbing to make babies.  Breeding is not the essence of marriage, and government is not endowed with the rightful power to dictate the lives of its citizens in this most intimate area of human relationships, as if it were the farmer making decisions about animal husbandry to improve his herd of cattle.  Even if reproduction were the important issue here, every couple in the world could be homosexual, and the species could continue to reproduce through turkey-baster conceptions and adoptions.


But the crucial matter about gay marriage is about the voluntary bonds of love between individuals according to their uniquely different opinions on what a good life looks like.  It’s THEIR lives, not yours.  Ain’t none of your damn business what your peaceful neighbors do!  And love is love is love is love.  Who are the conservatives to barge into the bedrooms of their neighbors and dictate what they are allowed to call a family?

 

The Root of Conservative Righteousness

 

The root of these conservative ideas is faith.  Now, by faith one can mean confidence in another person, the outcome of a difficult situation, of the truth of an idea, but this is not what the religionists mean when they appeal to faith for the validation of their precepts.  Look it up, if you don’t believe me, the primary meaning of faith is the belief in a proposition in the absence of evidence.

 
I am persuaded that others can believe any damn fool notion they want to, so long as they keep their grubby mitts to themselves and they’re willing to live and let live, but this has not been the history of faith based groups who, through most of history have displayed a distressing tendency to treat a difference of opinion as an unforgiveable sin that must be punished by death.  Christians had the fangs pulled out of their theological heads at the end of the 30 years war, when thoughtful Christians looked around at the stinking slaughterhouse of Europe in the mid-1600s and noticed that Catholics and Protestants had murdered maybe a third of the population, every man, woman, and child, all in the name of God, and said, "Hmm, may we can do better than this.”  Some other religions lag considerably behind the mainstream of Christians in this regard.  I grant that it is not Christians who are strapping suicide vests to their children’s bodies and sending them out into public places to blow random strangers to kingdom come, and then start cheering and dancing in the streets with ecstatic jubilation.

 
There are many problems with faith.  The biggest problem with faith is that human survival requires the acquisition and testing of knowledge.  We’re not born knowing how to survive and flourish.  We have to figure it out.  Reason is our means of survival.  It takes logic applied to the evidence of experience to learn what works, what fails, what is true, what is false.

 
Now faith is belief in an idea for no logical reason and so faith should be rejected as a tool of epistemology.  A belief held by faith might not be false, but its veracity must be tested by logic and experience.  Faith as a tool of knowledge is poison and should be rejected.


Socially and politically, the problem with faith-based beliefs is the question of how to resolve the inevitable disputes that arise between conflicting faiths.


Bluto tells Pluto, “God said we must dance by the light of the moon and swear death on those who do not join us.”


Pluto tells Bluto, “God said we must sing at the noontime sun and swear death on those who do not join us.”


Who is right?  How are these blockheads going to work out this asinine dispute?  How can conflicting faiths resolve their differences?  The problem is that faith, i.e. belief in the truth of a proposition without any logical grounds, leaves no rational basis for testing the veracity of their beliefs, or for comparing any conflicting propositions whether within or without their own religion, so faith-based disputes can never be resolved by rational means.  With no rational basis for discussion, reason is impossible, which makes force the only available means for dealing with disagreements.  Even agreeing to disagree requires the use of reason.  In the end, an agreement to disagree amounts to a suspension of the question involved, not an answer to which, if any, of the competing ideas is correct.
 

People who disagree,  but reject reason as a means of addressing their disagreements, are in the same position as a pride of lions and a herd of zebras, warily eyeing each other across the savannah.  Their ambassadors are not gonna come together and start singing Kumbaya together by nightfall.

 

How the Liberals are Just as Wrong as the Conservatives

 

Now, consider the contemporary “liberal”  American opposition to liberty.  How ironic is this!  “Liberal” comes from a Latin word denoting liberty itself, and here we are with this lefty side of the political spectrum firmly opposed to anything remotely approaching an affirmation of the inalienable rights of every individual to one’s own life, liberty, property, and the pursuit of happiness by one’s own lights, free of the meddling of neighbors and government agents.


Yet at the same time as these liberals reject inalienable individual rights to life, liberty, property, and free trade, they resolutely affirm their belief in the sanctity of gay marriage and the right of women to the ownership of their own bodies, especially concerning any decision to terminate a pregnancy.  By their eagerness to put government bureaucrats in charge of regulating every aspect of business, liberals display their appalling misunderstanding of the nature of wealth creation and of human action in the market economy.  Liberals champion freedom, but legislate serfdom.  It’s like saying we love airplanes, so it is imperative that we  outlaw the greedy, profit-seeking capitalists whose ambition is to build wings, unmolested by the government bureaucrats and central planners.

 
How bizarre!  How ironic!  How sad!  How stupid, all of it, left and right.  How threatening to all of us, that the major factions remain entrenched, glowering at each other across No Man's Land, clueless, intractable, and irreconcilable.


That I can view this landscape and feel some clarity about the matter is not because I am a genius, but because, in part, I fight my confirmation bias by reading widely different points of view with an openness to hear the warring factions with sympathy, to ask myself how smart, well-intentioned people can come to hold their views.

 
I also attribute my sense of clarity on this matter to the conviction that I have found brilliant minds throughout history who have integrated their thoughts in a rational manner.  The history of ideas is dripping with crazy false alternatives, deadly detours down rabbit holes, and confusions of epic proportions.  I believe that the Aristotelian stream, as opposed to that of Aristotle’s teacher, Plato, provides the best frame of reference that I know for making sense of this whole antic enterprise called humanity.


It has been said that the history of ideas since the time of Greek antiquity can be catalogued as footnotes to either Plato or Aristotle.  This surely overstates the matter, but one can see the broad truth of saying that thinkers tend to be more or less like Plato or Aristotle.  On the one side are those who advocate some version of other-worldly philosophy and a social organization of self-sacrifice for the common good, more or less like Plato.  On the other hand are champions of a philosophy for living on earth for the purpose of unfolding one’s own happiness, or what Aristotle called eudaimonia, his formulation of a happiness, broadly conceived across the span of a life, that was opposed to mindless, hedonistic, self-indulgence, and which Aristotle held to be the supreme good.  Plato gave us the first blueprint for a totalitarian utopia (although it is anachronistic to borrow the title of Thomas More’s book, written more than a millennium after Plato.)  Aristotle, who first formulated the laws of logic, gave us the stream of thought  that includes the intellectual roots of modern science, technology, and ultimately political freedom, although it was John Locke and not Aristotle who formulated the idea of liberalism rooted in natural rights.  I believe that Ayn Rand’s work, to date, represents the pinnacle of the stream that starts with Aristotle and points the way to a better future.  It was certainly Rand, with her philosophy rational self-interest as a moral ideal, who offered a stronger moral defense of the American project than anybody else before her. 


What can any of us do to make things better?  I start with myself.  I start by trying to advance my own understanding, and I do this by reading widely, but with a point.  I take philosophy to be the mother of everything, so a grasp of what Mortimer Adler calls “the great conversation” is crucial.  To philosophy I would add science, especially physics and the math required to grasp the subject at first hand, and sound economics.

In economics, I am persuaded that John Maynard Keynes, patron saint of all the world's central banks, including our own Federal Reserve System, was grievously mistaken, ubiquitous as his ideas are today.  By contrast, Ludwig von Mises was astonishingly prescient and powerful in his analysis of human action in the economic arena.   For what this is worth.   Examine it for yourself, as with everything else, and decide for yourself.


The trouble with economics is the same trouble as with philosophy and psychology, namely, that the times we live in, with respect to our grasp of the Big Questions of truth and right, are so addled and confused that there is a radically different and mutually exclusive school of thought for every conceivable position on what it means to be human. 


Ultimately, we have to figure it out for ourselves.  There is no one else to do the understanding but we ourselves, looking out at the world and wandering the corridors of our minds, no matter how modest or sophisticated our knowledge.  But we have a loyal ally in our search for truth and right:  reality.  Yes, reality.
 

Of course, postmodern skeptics deny the existence of an objective reality, or at least of the ability of humans to grasp the true nature of things as they objectively are.  But if you pay attention to how the skeptics live their daily lives, you will notice that they behave just as if reality were the world outside the minds.  David Kelley put this well when he observed that the skeptics largely behave in daily life as if there is a road to which the steering of their cars must conform.  Notice that they do not drive according to their philosophy, which tells them that the road is created by their own minds, and so the road must conform to their steering no matter where they aim the wheel.


Paying attention to reality would mean noticing that your mind does not really create the "reality" of the road when you're driving home.  There is a reality, it lies objectively outside your mind, and if you think your mind creates your reality, reality will allow you to drive your silly self into a ditch, where, if you have survived this exercise in absurdity, you will have the opportunity to correct your postmodern delusions before these ideas kill you outright.


As with the relation between the road and your steering, so with economics and the politics of Keynes.  If you agree with Keynes (and his contemporary acolyte, Paul Krugman) that the road to prosperity lies down the path of government deficit spending, you already have the opportunity to examine this idea from the ditch by the side of the road, where the economy has landed as a consequence of these policies.  A deeper ditch, no a cliff, lies ahead, as we move "forward" with the President.
 
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Follow-up reading and thought:

 
There are decent histories of philosophy.  I have the volumes by Frederick Copleston, W. T. Jones, Wilhelm Windelband,  Bertrand Russell, and Will Durant.  These are good starting points, although I would hesitate to say that any of them are completely trustworthy.  But we should all have at least some vague idea of the great issues that occupied the best minds of the world.

 
If our math skills leave something to be desired, I highly recommend Sal Khan’s amazing and inspiring project, Khan Academy, a free website that can take one from 2 + 2 = 4 up to calculus, among many other subjects. 
Visit  KhanAcademy.org


And here is a short list of some of the works I have found most useful in guiding my own unfolding and my search for wisdom:

 

Ayn Rand,   Atlas Shrugged

-----   ,       Philosophy: Who Needs It?

-----   ,       Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology (Second Edition)

Leonard Peikoff,  Objectivism: The Philosophy of Ayn Rand

------ ,             The DIM Hypothesis: Why the Lights of the West are Going Out

------ ,             The Ominous Parallels: The End of Freedom in America

David Harriman,  The Logical Leap: Induction in Physics

David Kelley,      The Evidence of the Senses

------ ,                 The Contested Legacy of Ayn Rand: Truth and Toleration

Henry Hazlitt,    Economics in One Lesson

Ludwig von Mises,  Socialism

----- ,                   Liberalism

-----,                    Human Action

Murray Rothbard,  For a New Liberty

George Reisman,  Capitalism

 

Another book that has surfaced recently is an easy read and embodies no little wisdom:

 
Yaron Brook and Don Watkins,  Free Market Revolution: How Ayn Rand’s Ideas                                               Can End Big Government


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Monday, October 22, 2012

Ironically Libertarian Hero: Geo.McGovern, RIP


George McGovern, Ironically Libertarian Hero, R.I.P.


 

The Associated Press and the CNN wire staff published articles on George McGovern, the day after the Senator’s death.  I was disappointed to find not one syllable in recognition of what I believe is the crowning insight of this man's life. 

 It is well known that McGovern lived by his own lights with principled and passionate devotion to doing the right thing always and everywhere in the world. 

 It is not well known that long after his political life ended, he briefly entered the business world and was rudely awakened to the actual nature of government intervention.  He wrote, in effect, that his life as a politician would have displayed far more wisdom, if he had been able to bring to the floor of Congress something of his experience of wrestling helplessly with the armies of regulators whose interventions contributed so much to bankrupting his little business.

In these mainstream articles on McGovern’s life, there was no mention of the outrage among liberals that McGovern caused by his 1992 letter to the Wall Street Journal, where he wrote an honest and unflattering account of his disastrous experience in trying to run his Connecticut hotel.  McGovern’s account of this experience reminded me of the old saw that says a conservative is a liberal who's been mugged (and, of course, in fairness, the flip side of this cranky old chestnut is that a liberal is a conservative who's been arrested.)  So McGovern was the liberal who got mugged by government regulation. 

In McGovern's venture into the hotel business, he sank much of his savings and lost it all, largely due to the strangling web of government regulations--federal, state, and local--layer upon layer of sometimes conflicting regulations, written as arbitrary edicts, guided by the principle that one-size fits all, and imbued with the regulators' righteous attitude that we know better than you how to run your life, and, moreover, you will comply or else you're going to pay ruinous fines and maybe even go to jail.  (He stated the matter with less unflattering language, but the essence is the same as my description.) 

No matter what anyone may think of the uber-liberal politics McGovern brought to his doomed presidential bid in 1972, the man stuck up for what he believed and remained true to his own evolving thought and experience, no matter how it unfolded, and no matter what anybody else thought of him.

The way I frame my opinion of McGovern's legacy is to praise him for his plain spoken and searing honesty, and for the great courage it takes to maintain such public allegiance to his own sight, especially in the face of attacks, even by his allies.  He displayed the high virtues of courage, independence, and integrity. 

For me, there are at least three bright lights that McGovern aimed into the darkness of this world. 

Here is the Army Air Force First Lieutenant George McGovern, whose heroic actions as a B-24 bomber pilot won him the Air Medal, the Distinguished Flying Cross, and saved his crew and battle-damaged airplane more than once, during his 35 combat missions.  His horrifying experience in war led him on the Senate floor famously to snarl his exasperation with "old men dreaming up wars for young men to fight."  He was not a doctrinaire pacifist, but rather a principled citizen concerned that we not engage in war for the wrong reasons.

Here he is again, writing a deeply introspective book on the wrenching loss of his youngest child, who froze to death in a snow bank, in an alcoholic fog.  Later, thinking more widely, he wrote of the central importance to any civilized society of the personal freedom we need in order to put together lives by our own lights, no matter who is offended or what anybody else thinks.  He wrote again about these matters in a 1996 New York Times Op-Ed piece, "Whose Life Is It?"  Here he spoke out on the crucial matter of personal choice, responsibility, and against paternalistic intervention from both the political left and right, in their attempts to control the lifestyles of individuals through "the tyranny of the majority or the outspoken minority."

And again, here is George McGovern, speaking out with the voice of hapless personal experience, writing in the Wall Street Journal of the unintended but nevertheless terrible consequences of the good intentions that created those multiple layers of paternalistic legislation that are largely to blame for bankrupting his hotel business.

I do not agree with much of McGovern's politics, but I must say that, in the end, George McGovern was a special kind of American hero.  I see a man whose honest introspection and allegiance to his own mind and experience led him eventually to praise freedom and individual rights, and to caution against overweening government intervention, however ironic this may have been, coming from a man whose whole life had been devoted to making overweening statist government ever more powerful and intrusive.

This is not a view one would predict from a man whose life was otherwise devoted to hyper-liberal welfare statist and bossy bureaucratic government central planning of everything.  But it is a view one would predict of a man who evinced the awe-inspiring courage, integrity, and strength of character to be so intellectually independent. 

There is another crucial aspect of George McGovern's life which I have never heard anybody else mention:  I believe that McGovern must have had a most unusual ability to stare down his own confimation bias, that godawful tendency all of us embody, that psychological and intellectual mechanism that turns us into our own intellectual echo chambers and thereby renders us nearly deaf and blind to anything we don't already believe to be true and right. 

George McGovern, life-long Big Government Liberal statist, was a man of principle.  When he became sort of an accidental tourist in the business neighborhood of the Land of Liberty, he  actually changed his mind on this foundational belief on the purpose of government.  Because he had the integrity to look at his experience of life with unblinking honesty, and to tell the truth he saw, even when these truths were not always flattering to himself or others, he declared in public that he had come to oppose unfettered government intervention into the free market.  How ironic.  But what a mensch!

 

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·         CNN wire staff article on McGovern:

http://www.cnn.com/2012/10/21/us/george-mcgovern-dead/index.html ...

 

·         Here is the link to McGovern’s article, with introductory comments, as it was entered into the 102nd Congressional Record:




·         Here is a link to McGovern’s piece in the NY Times:




     *    Here's a link to a very good piece on this part (and other important aspects) of McGovern's career, by Nick Gillespie, editor of Reason Magazine. 

http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2012-10-21/george-mcgovern-s-legacy-as-a-libertarian-hero.html

 

 

 

 

Tuesday, August 7, 2012

Confirmation Bias as Original Sin



Confirmation Bias as Original Sin:

When Homo Saps Are Intellectually Deaf and Blind--

A Musing on the Mother of All Rabbit Holes

and How to Begin to Regain Objectivity,

with a comment on the crucial importance

of the philosophy of Ayn Rand,

and a plug for Leonard Peikoff too.




There has lately been yet another round of impassioned shouting, at high dudgeon, over the latest terrible mass shooting, with calls for more gun control, and further arguments over the ineffective and counter-productive, unintended consequences of such gun control.  

I believe it is fruitless even to attempt a conversation on such specific matters of politics until we can agree on such foundational matters as the purpose of government, and on what the relation between citizen and state should be.

Now these questions on the purpose of government and the relation of citizen to state entail humanity's very deepest questions, because politics is a late branch of philosophy, and answers to political questions necessarily flow from underlying views on the nature of existence, on what human knowledge consists, and on ethics. These ideas stamp our opinions even when these ideas are not identified explicitly, but are merely held implicitly. I dare say that most of us never get this deep, and the beliefs we hold tend to be the unquestioned ideas we breathed in from the cultural air of whatever tribe we were born into. It never occurs to most of us to question what everybody in our circle believes to be true and false, or good and evil.  We reject out of hand anything at variance with our tribe's beliefs.

Suppose that Plato believes that the individual citizen is an expendable cell in the greater organism of the state, to be disposed of according to the wisdom of its philosopher kings, and Jefferson believes that an individual citizen enjoys the inalienable right to her own life, liberty, and property. It is certain that Plato and Jefferson will never be able to talk about such matters as taxation, abortion, or gun control until they address their deeper, underlying differences. Moreover, if we fail to employ logic and evidence to make a case for our opinions, and if, instead, we blast others with opinions which lie at the surface of the political landscape, then we find ourselves talking past each other, and we render our listeners deaf to anything else we say. When we go on to call others ugly names for holding their opinions, we make our subsequent remarks impossible to hear.

I believe that the Mother of all Rabbit Holes is humanity's Original Sin: not Adam and Eve's expulsion from Paradise (which merely captures the metaphorical truth that human survival depends upon our power of Reason) but Confirmation Bias, also known as attribution bias, which names the lamentable tendency of all Homo saps to be deaf and blind to anything which we do not already hold to be true and right. Get that? Our minds tend to filter out everything that does not fit into our preconceived notions of right and wrong, good and bad, true and false. (Full disclosure here: intellectual honesty compels me to include myself among those who tend to be thus deaf and blind.)

The only antidote I know that works against this awful tendency of confirmation bias is to force myself to read the work of people with whom I am certain I will disagree, but to read them nonetheless, and read them with an honest effort to grant them the benefit of the doubt--to read them with the benevolent assumption that they are well-intentioned human beings like me who are just trying by their best lights to make sense of the whole cloud of madness and misery that human beings have brought to the earth (not to mention the exalted and wonderful things humans do). By this method, I have actually come to change my mind on some truly foundational issues (such as my naïve, and  youthful idealistic belief in socialism as the road to heaven on earth.)

But, of course the deeper point is that, as always, it is philosophy itself that we must grapple with, in our effort to free ourselves of this terrible version of Original Sin of humanity to which I am pointing. 

Objectivity must be the goal, if we are to inoculate ourselves to the hazards of confirmation bias and every other variant of prejudice and mental blight. 

How do we learn to be objective?

Objectivity is already a topic that is well down the list of starting points in philosophy.

So where do we begin?  We must begin looking at the world where we began as babies, and nothing I know in the whole of the intellectual literature better captures this point than the opening page of Leonard Peikoff's Objectivism: The Philosophy of Ayn Rand, which combines passages from Rand and Peikoff. 

I love this opening passage that explains the crucial, life-serving importance of philosophy more powerfully than anything else I have ever read.  Peikoff writes:

"Philosophy is not a bauble of the intellect, but a power from which no man can abstain.  Anyone can say that he dispenses with a view of reality, knowledge, the good, but no one can implement this credo.  The reason is that man, by his nature as a conceptual being, cannot function at all without some form of philosophy to serve as his guide.

"Ayn Rand discusses the role of philosophy in her West Point lecture 'Philosophy: Who Needs It.'  Without abstract ideas, she says,

'you would not be able to deal with concrete, particular, real-life problems.  You would be in the position of a newborn infant, to whom every object is a unique, unprecedented phenomenon.  The difference between his mental state and yours lies in the number of conceptual integrations your mind has performed.

'You have no choice about the necessity to integrate your observations, your experiences, your knowledge into abstract ideas, i.e., into principles.'

"Your only choice, she continues, is whether your principles are true or false, rational or irrational, consistent or contradictory.  The only way to know which they are is to integrate your principles.

'What integrates them? [Rand continues] Philosophy.  A philosophic system is an integrated view of existence.  As a human being, you have no choice about the fact that you need a philosophy. Your only choice is whether you define your philosophy by a conscious, rational, disciplined process of thought and scrupulously logical deliberation--or let your subconscious accumulate a junk heap of unwarranted conclusions, false generalizations, undefined contradictions, undigested slogans, unidentified wishes, doubts and fears, thrown together by chance, but integrated by your subconscious into a kind of mongrel philosophy and fused into a single, solid weight: self-doubt, like a ball and chain in the place where your mind's wings should have grown.'"

Wow!  Self-doubt, like a ball and chain in the place where your mind's wings should have grown!  Oh, my sweet Zeus and Artemis!

This is the most inspiring call I have ever come across for embracing the glory which is your life, along with a blueprint with instructions for how to bring your life to full fruition.
 
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Saturday, July 21, 2012

On Generosity as an Objectivist Virtue

On Generosity as an Objectivist Virtue

an Open Letter to Craig Biddle,
Publisher and Editor of the quarterly The Objective Standard, and author of the book,
Loving Life:The Morality of Self Interest and the Facts that Support It

This letter is in response to Biddle's call for help:
Help Joshua Lipana fight cancer:



Dear Craig Biddle,

While I don't know young Joshua Lipana, your good friend and assistant editor of your journal's blog, I am answering your call to help Joshua fight his cancer because I feel that I know something essential about you, Mr. Biddle. What I know about you is the result of my reading of your work, which I greatly admire. I am happy to support something that has energized you enough to ask for help.

Now, while I am financially drooping a bit, as a result of my recent divorce and another attack on me by the IRS for yet another $10,000 in alleged back taxes, I do not think of my small donation to this hapless young man as a sacrifice. Rather I think of it as a small token of generosity.

This matter of generosity arouses a thought I have on the subject of virtue in the Objectivist philosophy. Objectivists are widely condemned for their supposedly crabbed and stingy indifference to the suffering of others. Many accuse us of thinking about nothing but me-me-me, and others be damned, for all we are said to care. Clearly your plea for help contradicts this stereotype of Objectivists.

Now, I would call your generosity "charitable," but for the unfortunate connotations of charity. Charity is widely interpreted to mean the supposedly high virtue of self-sacrifice, which is almost everywhere held to be synonymous with morality itself. Objectivists call this ideal of self-sacrifice a self-destructive moral ideal that in practice serves no one's interests. Nevertheless, Charity remains for most people the very insignia of this allegedly virtuous ideal of duty-bound self-sacrifice to the lives of others. In practice, as Ayn Rand has pointed out, self-sacrifice tempts the predatory powerful to come collecting these self-sacrificial offerings for such destructive ends as conscripting cannon fodder in crazy wars, crusades and jihads, and inspiring guilt in those who dare to hold their own happiness as a high value. Therefore this alleged virtue of self-sacrifice exudes a repulsive stench that rises from the mainstream swamp of both religious and secular values, and causes millions of people to throw away their lives for causes that vary from trivial to chimerical, quixotic, and even murderous.


By contrast, I believe that this sort of generosity can be seen as an Objectivist virtue because it supports the value of life itself. Why? Because my generosity promotes the kind of world in which I want to live and is emblematic of an ideal that is something like Aristotle's great souled man. I hold generosity to be a sort of cosmic thank you to the forces of the universe that delivered me into an auspicious time and place. It was my good luck to be born healthy, white (in a world prejudiced against blacks), male (in a world biased in favor of men), tall, free, American, and with a good mind and the opportunity therefore to work hard and make something of myself. I did nothing to deserve this great good fortune. Just deserts, like the very realm of morality, must be confined to actions over which we have some control. Being born with blue eyes or dark skin lie outside the moral realm because these traits are beyond anyone's voluntary control. By contrast, I deserve the money I earn because it comes to me through voluntary trade with others who feel they rightly benefit as much as I from this transaction.

Did I deserve my good birth? I had no control over when and where I was born. I could just as have well been born a girl in sub-Saharan Africa, blighted in every way, infected by AIDS, endowed with an IQ of 70, living in a mud hut, growing up in a culture with no clean water or electricity, living in a place where they burn animal dung and wood for fuel and heat, and are therefore breathing toxic smoke that will doom them to a death by the age of 30 from lung disease or worst. What did this poor girl do to deserve the curse of such a birth? Nothing. What did I do to deserve my great good fortune in the cosmic sweepstakes for a lucky birth? I did nothing to enjoy the good luck of being born in a time and place that affords me the freedom and the wits to figure out how to pursue my own happiness by my own lights.

Ayn Rand believed that "Man is a being of self-made soul." I certainly agree that as human beings we enjoy the power to choose one thought over another, one action instead of others, and by this power of free will we are endowed with the ability to shape our lives by our own lights. But this capacity to shape our own lives is delivered to us within a certain range of possibility that is set by many things entirely beyond our ability to control, namely, to the point here, the circumstances of our birth, our DNA, the politics of our country (whether free or oppressed), and by some essential aspects of our health. What chance does this blighted girl, born into a deadly African dictatorship, stand for putting together a decent life by her own dim lights? Not much. What did she do to deserve this fate? Nada, zippo, rien, nichts, nothing! I hasten to add that we deserve credit for whatever our endowments allow us to make of ourselves, but this is another point.

While I agree with almost nothing else that John Rawls ever said, I do affirm the idea he expressed in his nasty magnum opus, A Theory of Justice: that we do nothing to deserve the lucky or bleak circumstances of our birth. Now Rawls, of course, invoking his "difference principle," then draws the conclusion that we should put in charge of everything an army of socialist government central-planning bureaucrats and bosses so that we may "compensate" for this luck and thereby "redistribute" all this plunder for the benefit of those whom the leaders choose to bless. In contrast to Rawls, I conclude nothing more than that we owe thanks to the impersonal forces of the universe for our good luck in the cosmic sweepstakes.


Generosity, therefore, is my thank you to the universe. Generosity is my benevolent, cheerful offering to those who through no fault of their own have been stricken by some terrible roll of the cosmic dice, like this poor boy, Joshua. I cheerfully offer what I can with no expectation of reward beyond the good feeling it gives me for helping a worthy soul fight his bad luck. This generosity is an example of how I myself would want to be treated, a kind of secular Golden Rule, which is a good practice according to my values, and might be a sort of beacon that could attract others to emulate my example. Following this example can help to create an ascending spiral of benevolence that would certainly go some way towards advancing and affirming the kind of world in which I want to live.


I see nothing wrong, and everything right, about such generosity, and I would encourage all Objectivists to consider tucking this formulation of generosity into their tool box of life-affirming virtues.


I hope that Joshua survives to flourish and live a long, productive, peaceful and happy life by his own lights. May he enjoy the best that life has to offer. He has you, Mr. Biddle, to thank for being a beacon to attract some help to fight his terrible luck.


Best regards,

Eric Paul Nolte
(revised 2013.1118
and 2015.0828
and again, 2017.0904, 4th paragraph, inserted the preposition "of." "...the lives of others.")