Monday, November 5, 2012

The Age of Irony, on the Eve of the 2012 Elections


The Age of Irony
on the eve of the 2012 Elections


Eric Paul Nolte

 
We live in an age of irony, of ironies strong enough to shake tectonic plates into fomenting tsunamis on both coasts simultaneously.


As I write this, on the eve of the 2012 Obama/Romney election, divisive clouds of toxic, wounded, angry, righteous rhetoric sweep across the country like the winds and drenching rain of a super-storm that is powered by differential pressures in the atmosphere deeper and more powerful than anything this country has seen since the start of the Civil War in 1861.


It is ironic that we live in a time where the two most toxic political labels competing candidates can hurl at each other are “liberal” and “Tea Partier.”


Consider that everywhere in the world for two centuries, except in the United States since the time of FDR, “liberal” is a term that denotes an advocate of free markets and individual rights to life, liberty and property.  Now, in the US for the last 80 years or so, “liberal” has come to mean the righteous advocates of big government control, regulation of everything, opposition to economic freedom, bureaucratic central planning and social engineering funded by confiscatory taxation, and indifference to national debt and unfunded obligations to future welfare programs amounting to five times the size of annual GDP.  How ironic, how ... Orwellian is not too strong a term to describe such a reversal of a term’s meaning.  How bizarre.


To be tarred with the label of “Tea Party,” as Nan Hayworth is here in my New York State 18th Congressional District, is thought to be the most deliciously toxic ammunition that her opponents can shoot at her.  Now, I find this puzzling because my visit to teapartypatriots.org showed an organization whose core principles are clearly stated and bedrock American: government should be limited to the purposes spelled out by the US Constitution, chained down to operating with fiscal responsibility, and the economy should be animated by free markets, not by overweening government bureaucratic central planning and regulation of everything.  The Tea Party is a grass roots organization that champions the core American values.  What’s wrong with that?  And again, it strikes me as an irony of Orwellian scale that such an advocacy of freedom has come to be a toxic label dripping with hatred and bile.  And yet conservatives and Tea Party patriots tend to advocate some other ideas that I find weirdly ironic.


My head spins when I consider the irony of this endless caterwauling between conservatives and liberals, both sides posing as defenders of freedom, and both sides firing salvos of hatred against each other, as if freedom hung in the balance, when both sides are clearly enemies of freedom, properly formulated.


Consider the faith-based opposition of conservatives to abortion and gay marriage.  I find this to be antithetical to the American founders’ most important and radical  idea, namely, the unprecedented affirmation of the individual as a precious, unique, irreplaceable, and sovereign entity, endowed by human nature itself with an inalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.


The conservative opposition to abortion is rooted in the Biblical definition of life as beginning at conception, but science is not so ready to offer such a sweeping absolutism on when a human life begins.  Moreover, a moment’s thought would show that a fetus is like a germinated acorn and not like a sapling. To confuse the acorn with the sapling is to conflate the actual with the potential.  The same distinction applies to the early fetus and the baby.


The conservative opposition to gay marriage is rooted in the biblically inspired idea that marriage must be between a man and a woman.  No one has a duty to reproduce, so the matter of propagation has nothing to do with the freely chosen bonds of love between individuals.  The issue of marriage is not a matter of insemination or the mechanics of male and female plumbing to make babies.  Breeding is not the essence of marriage, and government is not endowed with the rightful power to dictate the lives of its citizens in this most intimate area of human relationships, as if it were the farmer making decisions about animal husbandry to improve his herd of cattle.  Even if reproduction were the important issue here, every couple in the world could be homosexual, and the species could continue to reproduce through turkey-baster conceptions and adoptions.


But the crucial matter about gay marriage is about the voluntary bonds of love between individuals according to their uniquely different opinions on what a good life looks like.  It’s THEIR lives, not yours.  Ain’t none of your damn business what your peaceful neighbors do!  And love is love is love is love.  Who are the conservatives to barge into the bedrooms of their neighbors and dictate what they are allowed to call a family?

 

The Root of Conservative Righteousness

 

The root of these conservative ideas is faith.  Now, by faith one can mean confidence in another person, the outcome of a difficult situation, of the truth of an idea, but this is not what the religionists mean when they appeal to faith for the validation of their precepts.  Look it up, if you don’t believe me, the primary meaning of faith is the belief in a proposition in the absence of evidence.

 
I am persuaded that others can believe any damn fool notion they want to, so long as they keep their grubby mitts to themselves and they’re willing to live and let live, but this has not been the history of faith based groups who, through most of history have displayed a distressing tendency to treat a difference of opinion as an unforgiveable sin that must be punished by death.  Christians had the fangs pulled out of their theological heads at the end of the 30 years war, when thoughtful Christians looked around at the stinking slaughterhouse of Europe in the mid-1600s and noticed that Catholics and Protestants had murdered maybe a third of the population, every man, woman, and child, all in the name of God, and said, "Hmm, may we can do better than this.”  Some other religions lag considerably behind the mainstream of Christians in this regard.  I grant that it is not Christians who are strapping suicide vests to their children’s bodies and sending them out into public places to blow random strangers to kingdom come, and then start cheering and dancing in the streets with ecstatic jubilation.

 
There are many problems with faith.  The biggest problem with faith is that human survival requires the acquisition and testing of knowledge.  We’re not born knowing how to survive and flourish.  We have to figure it out.  Reason is our means of survival.  It takes logic applied to the evidence of experience to learn what works, what fails, what is true, what is false.

 
Now faith is belief in an idea for no logical reason and so faith should be rejected as a tool of epistemology.  A belief held by faith might not be false, but its veracity must be tested by logic and experience.  Faith as a tool of knowledge is poison and should be rejected.


Socially and politically, the problem with faith-based beliefs is the question of how to resolve the inevitable disputes that arise between conflicting faiths.


Bluto tells Pluto, “God said we must dance by the light of the moon and swear death on those who do not join us.”


Pluto tells Bluto, “God said we must sing at the noontime sun and swear death on those who do not join us.”


Who is right?  How are these blockheads going to work out this asinine dispute?  How can conflicting faiths resolve their differences?  The problem is that faith, i.e. belief in the truth of a proposition without any logical grounds, leaves no rational basis for testing the veracity of their beliefs, or for comparing any conflicting propositions whether within or without their own religion, so faith-based disputes can never be resolved by rational means.  With no rational basis for discussion, reason is impossible, which makes force the only available means for dealing with disagreements.  Even agreeing to disagree requires the use of reason.  In the end, an agreement to disagree amounts to a suspension of the question involved, not an answer to which, if any, of the competing ideas is correct.
 

People who disagree,  but reject reason as a means of addressing their disagreements, are in the same position as a pride of lions and a herd of zebras, warily eyeing each other across the savannah.  Their ambassadors are not gonna come together and start singing Kumbaya together by nightfall.

 

How the Liberals are Just as Wrong as the Conservatives

 

Now, consider the contemporary “liberal”  American opposition to liberty.  How ironic is this!  “Liberal” comes from a Latin word denoting liberty itself, and here we are with this lefty side of the political spectrum firmly opposed to anything remotely approaching an affirmation of the inalienable rights of every individual to one’s own life, liberty, property, and the pursuit of happiness by one’s own lights, free of the meddling of neighbors and government agents.


Yet at the same time as these liberals reject inalienable individual rights to life, liberty, property, and free trade, they resolutely affirm their belief in the sanctity of gay marriage and the right of women to the ownership of their own bodies, especially concerning any decision to terminate a pregnancy.  By their eagerness to put government bureaucrats in charge of regulating every aspect of business, liberals display their appalling misunderstanding of the nature of wealth creation and of human action in the market economy.  Liberals champion freedom, but legislate serfdom.  It’s like saying we love airplanes, so it is imperative that we  outlaw the greedy, profit-seeking capitalists whose ambition is to build wings, unmolested by the government bureaucrats and central planners.

 
How bizarre!  How ironic!  How sad!  How stupid, all of it, left and right.  How threatening to all of us, that the major factions remain entrenched, glowering at each other across No Man's Land, clueless, intractable, and irreconcilable.


That I can view this landscape and feel some clarity about the matter is not because I am a genius, but because, in part, I fight my confirmation bias by reading widely different points of view with an openness to hear the warring factions with sympathy, to ask myself how smart, well-intentioned people can come to hold their views.

 
I also attribute my sense of clarity on this matter to the conviction that I have found brilliant minds throughout history who have integrated their thoughts in a rational manner.  The history of ideas is dripping with crazy false alternatives, deadly detours down rabbit holes, and confusions of epic proportions.  I believe that the Aristotelian stream, as opposed to that of Aristotle’s teacher, Plato, provides the best frame of reference that I know for making sense of this whole antic enterprise called humanity.


It has been said that the history of ideas since the time of Greek antiquity can be catalogued as footnotes to either Plato or Aristotle.  This surely overstates the matter, but one can see the broad truth of saying that thinkers tend to be more or less like Plato or Aristotle.  On the one side are those who advocate some version of other-worldly philosophy and a social organization of self-sacrifice for the common good, more or less like Plato.  On the other hand are champions of a philosophy for living on earth for the purpose of unfolding one’s own happiness, or what Aristotle called eudaimonia, his formulation of a happiness, broadly conceived across the span of a life, that was opposed to mindless, hedonistic, self-indulgence, and which Aristotle held to be the supreme good.  Plato gave us the first blueprint for a totalitarian utopia (although it is anachronistic to borrow the title of Thomas More’s book, written more than a millennium after Plato.)  Aristotle, who first formulated the laws of logic, gave us the stream of thought  that includes the intellectual roots of modern science, technology, and ultimately political freedom, although it was John Locke and not Aristotle who formulated the idea of liberalism rooted in natural rights.  I believe that Ayn Rand’s work, to date, represents the pinnacle of the stream that starts with Aristotle and points the way to a better future.  It was certainly Rand, with her philosophy rational self-interest as a moral ideal, who offered a stronger moral defense of the American project than anybody else before her. 


What can any of us do to make things better?  I start with myself.  I start by trying to advance my own understanding, and I do this by reading widely, but with a point.  I take philosophy to be the mother of everything, so a grasp of what Mortimer Adler calls “the great conversation” is crucial.  To philosophy I would add science, especially physics and the math required to grasp the subject at first hand, and sound economics.

In economics, I am persuaded that John Maynard Keynes, patron saint of all the world's central banks, including our own Federal Reserve System, was grievously mistaken, ubiquitous as his ideas are today.  By contrast, Ludwig von Mises was astonishingly prescient and powerful in his analysis of human action in the economic arena.   For what this is worth.   Examine it for yourself, as with everything else, and decide for yourself.


The trouble with economics is the same trouble as with philosophy and psychology, namely, that the times we live in, with respect to our grasp of the Big Questions of truth and right, are so addled and confused that there is a radically different and mutually exclusive school of thought for every conceivable position on what it means to be human. 


Ultimately, we have to figure it out for ourselves.  There is no one else to do the understanding but we ourselves, looking out at the world and wandering the corridors of our minds, no matter how modest or sophisticated our knowledge.  But we have a loyal ally in our search for truth and right:  reality.  Yes, reality.
 

Of course, postmodern skeptics deny the existence of an objective reality, or at least of the ability of humans to grasp the true nature of things as they objectively are.  But if you pay attention to how the skeptics live their daily lives, you will notice that they behave just as if reality were the world outside the minds.  David Kelley put this well when he observed that the skeptics largely behave in daily life as if there is a road to which the steering of their cars must conform.  Notice that they do not drive according to their philosophy, which tells them that the road is created by their own minds, and so the road must conform to their steering no matter where they aim the wheel.


Paying attention to reality would mean noticing that your mind does not really create the "reality" of the road when you're driving home.  There is a reality, it lies objectively outside your mind, and if you think your mind creates your reality, reality will allow you to drive your silly self into a ditch, where, if you have survived this exercise in absurdity, you will have the opportunity to correct your postmodern delusions before these ideas kill you outright.


As with the relation between the road and your steering, so with economics and the politics of Keynes.  If you agree with Keynes (and his contemporary acolyte, Paul Krugman) that the road to prosperity lies down the path of government deficit spending, you already have the opportunity to examine this idea from the ditch by the side of the road, where the economy has landed as a consequence of these policies.  A deeper ditch, no a cliff, lies ahead, as we move "forward" with the President.
 
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Follow-up reading and thought:

 
There are decent histories of philosophy.  I have the volumes by Frederick Copleston, W. T. Jones, Wilhelm Windelband,  Bertrand Russell, and Will Durant.  These are good starting points, although I would hesitate to say that any of them are completely trustworthy.  But we should all have at least some vague idea of the great issues that occupied the best minds of the world.

 
If our math skills leave something to be desired, I highly recommend Sal Khan’s amazing and inspiring project, Khan Academy, a free website that can take one from 2 + 2 = 4 up to calculus, among many other subjects. 
Visit  KhanAcademy.org


And here is a short list of some of the works I have found most useful in guiding my own unfolding and my search for wisdom:

 

Ayn Rand,   Atlas Shrugged

-----   ,       Philosophy: Who Needs It?

-----   ,       Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology (Second Edition)

Leonard Peikoff,  Objectivism: The Philosophy of Ayn Rand

------ ,             The DIM Hypothesis: Why the Lights of the West are Going Out

------ ,             The Ominous Parallels: The End of Freedom in America

David Harriman,  The Logical Leap: Induction in Physics

David Kelley,      The Evidence of the Senses

------ ,                 The Contested Legacy of Ayn Rand: Truth and Toleration

Henry Hazlitt,    Economics in One Lesson

Ludwig von Mises,  Socialism

----- ,                   Liberalism

-----,                    Human Action

Murray Rothbard,  For a New Liberty

George Reisman,  Capitalism

 

Another book that has surfaced recently is an easy read and embodies no little wisdom:

 
Yaron Brook and Don Watkins,  Free Market Revolution: How Ayn Rand’s Ideas                                               Can End Big Government


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